By Karyn R. Lacy
As Karyn R. Lacy's cutting edge paintings within the suburbs of Washington, DC, unearths, there's a continuum of middle-classness between blacks, starting from lower-middle classification to middle-middle category to upper-middle classification. targeting the latter , Lacy explores an more and more vital social and demographic workforce: middle-class blacks who stay in middle-class suburbs the place negative blacks should not current. those ''blue-chip black'' suburbanites earn good over fifty thousand money each year and paintings in predominantly white specialist environments. Lacy examines the advanced experience of id that folks in those teams craft to regulate their interactions with lower-class blacks, middle-class whites, and different middle-class blacks as they search to harvest some great benefits of their middle-class prestige.
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Additional resources for Blue-Chip Black: Race, Class, and Status in the New Black Middle Class
I use national data from the census to suggest a way to deﬁne the black middle class differently, so that hidden distinctions between different groups of middleclass blacks are accounted for. In the last section of the chapter, I compare and contrast the three suburban communities that make up this study as a way of foreshadowing the argument developed in the remainder of the book. I show that difference in residence has an important effect on how middle-class blacks think about their identity as well as implications for how social scientists should begin to think about operationalizing the black middle class.
Moreover, suburban blacks in Lakeview, Riverton, and Sherwood Park share a common class background with their white neighbors. But in public spaces, middleclass blacks meet up with unfamiliar whites who do not know them well, and they therefore must develop strategies to manage racial stigmatization in the public sphere, should they encounter it. By exploring the identity work of the same people across a variety of different settings, I demonstrate (just as Barrie Thorne did in her analysis of gender) that the salience of black racial identity varies from one context to another.
At their founding, many of these schools were referred to as “colleges” or “universities,” even though their curriculum at the time was the equivalent of a high school education. Howard University, the namesake of the commissioner, was the only Freedman’s Bureau “college” to actually mature into university status shortly after its opening in 1867. 22 Early on, very few blacks were matriculating at these institutions, a reality that severely limited the growth of the black middle class. 23 Some scholars conclude from these paltry enrollments that higher education was a low priority for blacks in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.